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Entries for February 2011

28
To my chagrin I haven’t written a syllable in weeks but at least the reason makes a curious story; – for a month I’ve been camped out with a tribe of trial lawyers, trying to explain the foibles of politicians in general and Republican politicians in particular.
 
I’d like to say how I came to be allied with trial lawyers was due to an encounter with a wizard or genie with a sense of irony. But it wasn’t magic. It was a trial. And, more peculiarly, it was Joe Knott teaching a Bible Study class at St. Mark’s Church twenty-five years ago.
 
Back when Reagan was President and Jesse Helms, Tom Ellis and I were banded together it seemed we were always landing in one scrap or another and Joe Knott was one of the folks we could count on to lend a hand pulling at the oars until we got the ship off the rocks.  
 
Joe was an Assistant U.S. Attorney under Reagan and his father, ‘JT’, was the Chairman of Democrats for Jesse when Jesse ran against Jim Hunt in 1984. When Hunt put an ad on tv showing the dead bodies of women and children killed by terrorists in El Salvador and claimed Jesse was backing the terrorist because they were right-wing ‘JT’ did the ad answering Hunt, saying Hunt had “crossed the line” and owed Jesse an apology.
 
Not long after last fall’s election Joe asked if I’d sit down with Dick Taylor – head of North Carolina Advocates for Justice – and talk about politics and the new Republican legislature.
 
Several years ago I would probably have politely turned down the invitation but that was before I heard about that trial.
 
Here’s what happened: A man – I can’t recall his name – had a bad back and when the pain finally got so he couldn’t stand it he had an operation and a surgeon (who it turned out had more experience with elbow than back surgeries) put a screw through the block of bone at the bottom of his spine to cure him.
 
Now, right in the middle of that bone was a tiny hole that nerves ran through going down into his legs; after the operation he woke in agony and the doctors gave him pain killers but the pain got worse and worse so, finally, the doctors did more x-rays and the minute a more experienced physician in back surgeries looked at the films to his surprise he saw that screw was sitting right in the middle of the hole in that bone.
 
The doctors immediately operated again but it was too late – the nerves were dead. The man was crippled for life.
 
It all ended up in court but it turned out the poor fellow with the bad back only had two kinds of luck: Bad luck and worse luck. He got a jury with six intellectuals (the trial was in a college town) and six rednecks and at the trial the doctor’s insurance company called a parade of scientists to the stand who made a startling revelation: That screw, they said, had been planted in exactly the right place by the doctor but then it had ‘migrated’ straight through that block of bone into that hole. What’s more that screw had moved without leaving a crack or gash in the bone to mark its passing.
 
Well, about half-way through hearing that story, I figured no intellectual was going to buy that tale but it turned out I was dead wrong. The jury split six to six – the six intellectuals said if a scientist said that screw had moved through solid bone it must be true and the six rednecks said there was no way on earth they were buying that. The jury deadlocked and argued until an unfortunate thing happened.
 
The jury forewoman – one of the intellectuals – told the other jurors: The law says if there’s a reasonable doubt the doctor put that screw in that hole we have to acquit him. Now, half of us say that screw moved and half of us say it didn’t and the fact we can’t agree proves there is a reasonable doubt. Of course, the jury forewoman was wrong. In more ways than one. For example, a jury doesn’t decide “reasonable doubt” as a group. Each juror decides for himself. But it sounded logical and the worn out jurors ruled for the doctor.
 
The night I met with Joe and Dick Taylor as soon as Dick told me about Senator Bob Rucho’s bill to cap jury awards to people who lose a limb I remembered that trial and thought: Exactly what was the loss of that fellow’s legs worth?  
 
Senator Rucho has decided he knows the answer:  He believes that fellow’s legs are not worth a penny more than $250,000.
 
And he believes it so firmly he’s trying to make his view the law, so no jury can award a victim of malpractice more than $250,000 for the loss of a limb – or for disfigurement, mutilation, paralysis or death.
 
Well, I signed on to help the lawyers stop Senator Rucho’s bill and as a result day and night for a month I’ve been studying the ambiguous distinctions between just plain negligence and gross negligence and other legal syllogisms I’ve lived happily fifty-eight years without knowing.
 
I’ve also found – to my surprise – I’ve landed square in the middle of a traditional and oft-repeated American political ritual: The grab for the loot.
 
For almost two decades North Carolina’s business leaders have happily cozied up to Democrats (from Jim Hunt to Bev Perdue) and they’ve generally fared well at the hands of those folks.
 
But now there’s a Republican legislature in town and everyone from the Medical Society to the Hospital Association to the Chamber of Commerce thinks they have died and gone to heaven – and the great grab has started: The insurance companies are out to pass laws to limit their risks. The corporations are out to shift their costs to taxpayers. The Medical Society wants to cap awards for malpractice lawsuits against its members. The Hospital Association wants immunity when its members harm a patient in the emergency room. And the Nursing Home Association thinks the Medical Society’s cap ought to apply to them too.
 
Looking back I guess Republican legislators, who for years have been treated like red-headed step-children in the General Assembly, had no chance at all when this onslaught descended on them. Suddenly back benchers – like Senator Rucho – found themselves bathed in adoration and worse, and more head-turning, for the first time they had real power. They’d have been less than human if they hadn’t found it all more than a bit pleasurable.
 
Senator Rucho signed on to sponsor legislation for the Medical Society, the Hospital Association and the Nursing Homes Association and if his bill passes civil trials in North Carolina will never be the same.
 
For instance: A jury may still hear a medical malpractice case but it will not be told about Senator Rucho’s cap on how much restitution it can award for disfigurement, loss of limb and so on. Instead, the jury will hear the evidence, reach its verdict, determine damages, award whatever it decides is fair restitution and go home.
 
But, then, something odd happens.
 
If the jury awards a victim (say, for the loss of his legs) over $250,000, Senator Rucho reaches out of the State Senate and into the jury box and changes its verdict and the judge cuts the restitution to $250,000.
 
Now Bob Rucho will tell you he’s for less government and less government power but his bill extends the power of State Senators and Representatives into a place (the jury box) where common sense and the North Carolina Constitution says politicians ought not to be meddling.
 
In the end it boils down to this: Who do we trust to decide verdicts? Juries who hear evidence or politicians like Senator Rucho who take contributions from the Medical Society?
 

 

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28
You can see this ad coming:
 
“Unemployment is at double-digits. The state has a $3 billion budget deficit. North Carolinians have a hard time making ends meet. What did Governor Perdue do? She hired a new chef for the Executive Mansion. Salary; $76,000.”
 
Gulp.
 
Yes, the Governor must entertain. Dignitaries must be honored, and industrial recruits must be wooed. The state must put its best foot – er, food – forward.
 
But this can cause a bad case of political indigestion.

 

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26
The most recent Elon Poll showed why politics is hard. Asked whether they support higher taxes or job cuts to balance the state budget, a majority of North Carolinians just said no.
 
They don’t want either.
 
No, that’s not logical. But voters don’t have to be logical.
 
This dilemma was captured recently by a cartoon. It showed one of those pie charts about where federal tax dollars go: Social Security, defense, Medicare and Medicaid, general government, etc.
 
Then it showed another chart. A small slice – maybe 2 percent – was “Programs That Benefit Me Personally.” The rest of the chart was labeled “Waste.”

 

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25
Overheated and over-caffeinated cable blowhards have been blowing hard about the amazing parallels they see between protests in Madison, Wisconsin and protests in the Middle East.
 
From the right: dangerous anarchists on both continents are threatening the very foundations and stability of society.
 
From the left: courageous patriots are standing up for their rights and their basic values against Hitler-like dictators.
 
Please take a breath.
 
Take a minute to reflect on how lucky you were. As Warren Buffet says: You won the lottery of life. You were born in America.
 
You’re free to protest. Free to compare the Governor or the President to Hitler (even if it makes you a fool). Free to carry on and carry signs and disrupt the government.
 
All without worrying (most always, anyway) that the army or the police or armed goons will gun you down or beat your brains in.
 
Be thankful. Even better, call up your favorite WWII veteran and thank him or her – before it’s too late.

 

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24
Ferrel Guillory, director of the Program on Public Life at the UNC J-School, gave me a stunning statistic from a report he worked on. It sums up how suddenly and dramatically the 2008 economic crisis hit North Carolina:
 
“From April, 2008 to February, 2009 (a ten-month period), the state unemployment rate rose from 5 percent to 11.2 percent. This represents one of the most rapidly rising unemployment rates in the nation.”
 
Look at it this way: Roughly between when Bev Perdue won the 2008 Democratic primary and when she was sworn in, our unemployment rate doubled.
 
The bottom literally dropped out.
 
The full report is “Documenting Poverty, Economic Distress and Challenge in North Carolina,” done for the Z. Smith Reynolds Foundation by the UNCCenter on Poverty, Work and Opportunity.
 
It focuses on the state’s economic progress and problems, including the “daunting challenge” of poverty and unemployment in pockets among many areas and populations.

 

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23
Last week, a reader – clearly crazed by alcohol or the legislature, or both – suggested a new cocktail named for the Governor: the “Bevtini.” (See Gov on Ice, below.)
 
Now he submits a libation in honor of intense, energetic, often frenetic Rep. Pryor Gibson, who is leaving the House to work for Perdue:
 
The “Pryor Punch”:
 
40 gals of Red Bull chugged in 5 minutes
A splash of Anson County creek water
Constantly swirl
Only drink a portion of what you make, then abruptly switch to a Bevtini.
 
I have challenged this reader to dedicate himself to proposing a drink for all 170 members of the legislature – and any other deserving Capitol target.
 

 

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23
A focus group this week brought into clear focus the opportunities and challenges facing North Carolina Democrats and Republicans.
 
A couple of participants said they’re feeling more optimistic about the direction of the state. Why?
 
“For the first time in a hundred years, we have a legislature that understands where the revenue comes from,” said one.
 
Heads nodded.
 
A few minutes later, asked what North Carolina should do to prepare for the future, most all the participants agreed: “Education.”
 
Republicans can capitalize on the voters’ desire for spending sanity. But will there be a blowback on hurting education?
 
The opposite is true for Democrats: Can they seize the opportunity on education and regain voters’ trust on spending?

 

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22
These aren’t lofty matters of principle. They’re raw, partisan power politics.
 
In Wisconsin and New Jersey, the battles are between Republican governors and public employee unions.
 
In North Carolina, the battles are over voter IDs and – soon – redistricting.
 
Even Democrats who don’t like public employee unions see unions – and their money – as essential to winning election and regaining the ground lost in 2010.
 
Here, the voter ID battle could decide whether North Carolina truly is a battleground in 2012. If the bill is enacted, the Obama campaign could decide the state is out of reach and spend money and time elsewhere – Charlotte convention notwithstanding.
 
On redistricting, some Democrats fear party leaders have their heads in the sand and aren’t girding for battle the way Republicans are: like hiring Kieran Shanahan to draw new lines for the WakeCounty school board.
 
Will it be a replay of the Democratic “wuss” streak that hamstrung the party in the 1980s, when it knuckled under to bare-knuckled Republican politics nationally and in the state?

 

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21
The seeds for the 2010 election were sown in August 2009 by the raucous public protests that morphed into the Tea Party movement.
 
Will the public employee protests in Wisconsin sow the seeds for the 2012 election?
 
Democrats hope so. Public employees are a big part of the party’s constituency. Democratic office-holders around the country might well see a huge upside in stirring up anger and passion over budget cuts – with the goal of mobilizing millions of voters next year.
 
There are two varieties of campaign strategies: “win the middle” (Obama 2008) and “fire up the base” (Bush 2004).
 
Sometimes, the base gets itself fired up and takes over.
 
North Carolina – with players on the field like Dana Cope of SEANC and William Barbour of the NAACP – could become another Wisconsin this year.

 

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18
Set aside the predictable posturing and apocalyptic doom-saying from both sides. North Carolina’s budget debate is a debate we need.
 
Governor Perdue’s proposed budget is a classic North Carolina Democratic progressive budget. It’s a balance of program cuts, higher revenues and protection for education. It’s essentially the same approach that Democratic governors and legislators have taken for decades.
 
Through those same decades, Republicans have called for a far different course: much deeper cuts and no new taxes. They have maintained that billions of dollars can be cut without damaging “core services” – a still-undefined term.
 
This year, for the first time, Republicans have a chance to actually write a budget that puts their assertion into practice. North Carolinians will see just what that means, and they can compare the two approaches. We can judge reality instead of rhetoric.
 
No one who knows state government would claim there is no unnecessary spending. The question is whether there is $1 billion beyond what Perdue proposed.
 
Perdue is betting that voters will decide the Republicans are cutting too deeply. That’s a bet that has paid off before.
 
Republicans are betting that times have changed: that voters believe harsh times call for harsh measures.
 
Somebody’s right, somebody’s wrong and we’re finally going to settle this argument.

 

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